My Next Great Adventure in Afghanistan: Life as a Civilian Woman Peacebuilder in an Overwhelmingly Male Military War Zone
Friday, December 12, 2008
You Follow Me!
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
It is FINISHED! :-)
Saturday, December 06, 2008
War and Terrorism: Categories & Contradictions
For those of you who are interested, my last paper of the semester: A short reaction (though not a short blog post) to Talal Asad's book, On Suicide Bombing.
In the United States, particularly since September 11, 2001, we are accustomed to the rhetoric associated with terrorism. We know that terrorism—and the terrorist—is evil, irrational, and mean-spirited; yet, we can wage a ‘war’ on terror that does not evoke the same emotions, but instead represents courage, moral fortitude, and liberation. Good and evil, light and dark, civilized and uncivilized, moral and immoral, legitimate and illegitimate, humane and inhumane—the simple use of the word ‘terrorism’, and we know immediately in which category the action belongs. In his book On Suicide Bombing, Talal Asad challenges us to step back, drop the labels, and honestly examine what we call ‘war’ and ‘terrorism’ before categorizing them. Upon doing so, we find that “however much we try to distinguish between morally good and morally evil ways of killing, our attempts are beset with contradictions” (p. 2). All our rationalized classifications seem woefully arbitrary.
The first way we denounce terrorism is by labeling it an illegitimate use of violence. According to Max Weber, the state claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.[1] States can wage war (within certain parameters) without incurring an international backlash. But terrorists, as non-state actors, have no claim whatsoever to a legitimate use of violence. Because they are not acting on behalf of a state or an army, their actions are automatically denounced. Asad references Michael Walzer to describe this phenomenon: “What Walzer condemns in war is excess and in terrorism its essence. States kill, too, of course, although they claim to kill only legitimately” (p. 16). This categorization of legitimate and illegitimate becomes problematic in the case of the Israel/Palestine conflict. As Asad articulates, though both sides have grievances, Israel, as a state, is the only party who can legitimately use violence or wage war, while Palestinian violent actions are automatically classified as terrorism. Caught in an infuriating Catch 22, Palestine, in its attempt to gain statehood, has no legitimate recourse for the use of violence because it is not a state. “So war is a legally sanctioned concept, and the hateful killing perpetrated by unlicensed militants is not” (p. 25).
But if violence is to be legitimized at all, why should the state have the monopoly? Why is war not denounced as vehemently as terrorism? Are states somehow more discerning, more moral, or more responsible with their power than non-state actors? Some would indeed say yes, but Asad acutely observes that “modern states are able to destroy and disrupt life more easily and on a much grander scale than ever before and… terrorists cannot reach this capability” (p. 4). War has certainly been more destructive and taken more lives, military and civilian, than terrorism; yet, the idea of large-scale killing in war is much more amenable to us than the idea of suicide bombing. Why is this so? Is the categorization of one as legitimate and the other as illegitimate not fairly arbitrary?
Another distinction made between war and terrorism is that terrorism is brutal and inhumane, while war is conducted ‘humanely’. War has rules; therefore, it is more palatable to us. Asad quotes John Keegan stating that, “moral inhibitions… served to restrain deliberate barbarities of design” (p. 61) in war, but that our concept of reprehensible weapons has been eroding. Guns, tanks and air raids are humane; landmines, cluster bombs, and nuclear weapons are questionable; chemical and biological weapons and suicide bombings are inhumane. But how long will even these loose classifications hold? If the line between humane and inhumane ways of killing is so fluid, how is it determined? Who determines it? And how is it we have come to accept any method of killing another human ‘morally good’? Asad attributes this to “the ingenuity of liberal discourse in rendering inhuman acts humane” (p. 38). If we take a step back and look at these ridiculous lines we have drawn, do they really make any sense, or are they full of contradictions? A suicide bombing may indeed be inhumane, but is dropping a bomb from a military plane any more humane?
It is easier for us to accept war while denouncing terrorism when we categorize terrorists as ‘uncivilized’. If terrorists are uncivilized, we do not need to understand them or consider that there may be logic behind their actions. “Suicide bombing is terrorism and… as terrorism, it is an evil in need not of analysis and understanding but of moral condemnation and firm practical response” (Asad referencing Walzer, p. 22). The civilized (Westerners), however, have a moral advantage in the performance of violence. “People at all times have, of course, justified the killing of so-called enemies and others they deem not deserving to live. The only difference is that today liberals who engage in this justification think they are different because morally advanced” (p. 4). The civilized may kill, but it is assumed their motives are more pure; they play by ‘the rules.’ And if you kill according to the rules (the rules you have established), the act of killing is less reprehensible. Therefore, war becomes “a collectively organized, legitimized, and moralized game of destruction that is played much more savagely by the civilized than the uncivilized” (p. 53). And no matter how savagely you play the game, you will never be as ‘savage’ as the uncivilized who do not play by the rules, or do not play your game at all.
Asad uses the military bombing of German and Japanese cities during World War Two as an example of moral advantage given to the civilized. During these bombings, hundreds of thousands of civilians were killed and terrified. Yet, this violence is generally categorized as neither illegitimate, inhumane, nor uncivilized. Why? Because the military commander’s, but not the terrorist’s, conscience is taken into account. It is assumed the military commander was only doing what was necessary, which makes the bombings unfortunate, but not evil. The terrorist’s conscience, on the other hand—no matter how clean it may be or how necessary he felt his actions were—is of “no significance in the categorization of his action” (p. 26).
We also operate on the assumption that militaries do not target civilians as terrorists do. However, Asad points out that the new doctrine of striving for zero military losses, coupled with the bombing of ‘dual-use’ targets such as electrical power plants, results in more enemy civilian deaths. Civilians die en masse, but they are not technically targeted (even though undoubtedly, military commanders know their actions will result in these deaths); therefore, militaries and soldiers are absolved on the basis of motive. “Motive becomes crucial to the distinction between collateral damage and war crimes” (p. 36). Another important distinction is that civilians who die at the hands of terrorists are often Westerners, while civilians who die at the hands of Western armies are often the poor. The sad fact of the matter is that in the West, we value the lives of the affluent more than the lives of the poor (p. 94), and are especially indignant when the civilized die at the hands of the uncivilized.
These dichotomous categorizations are carried through to the way captured terrorists are treated while detained. Because they are uncivilized and their actions are illegitimate and inhumane, they become part of what Asad refers to as the “torturable class” (p. 33). Torture, though denounced clearly by the Geneva Convention and human rights law, can be used against terrorists because they do not play by the rules. International law applies to Prisoners of War (enemy combatants who play by our rules), but “since uncivilized opponents do not abide by international law, they cannot be protected by it” (p. 35).
Certainly the horror evoked by terrorism generally, and suicide bombing specifically, is warranted. What is disturbing is that “there is no general sense of horror… at the numerous atrocities committed or condoned by democratic governments” (p. 34). We have framed war and terrorism as mutually exclusive, but evidence shows that our categorizations are full of contradictions. Legitimate and illegitimate; humane and inhumane; civilized and uncivilized; torturable and nontorturable. These classifications are, in the end, arbitrary social constructions. Instead of thinking critically about all forms of violence perpetrated, we hear a word (‘terrorism’) and categorize automatically. The great sorrow in this conditioning is not that terrorism as such is denounced, but that the legitimacy of war—with all its destruction, horrors, and atrocities—goes largely unquestioned in mainstream liberal discourse. For peacemakers, countering this acceptance of war is a much greater challenge than ‘fighting’ terrorism. In this respect, Talal Asad does a great service to the peacemaker community by challenging his readers to acknowledge the contradictions in their categories, and to move beyond labels toward a more holistic and honest view of violence in all forms.
[1] Weber, M. (2002). Politics as a Vocation. In C. Besteman (Ed.), Violence: A Reader (pp. 13-18). Washington Square, New York: New York University Press.
Wednesday, December 03, 2008
Power Point Woes
- You don't need to look at the screen. I PROMISE, if it's on the computer in front of you, it's on the big screen, too, hon. If you are staring at the screen with your back to the audience, that's a good sign your presentation isn't going so well.
- Please don't use font 12. Or 14. Or anything smaller than 18, for that matter. If your slide is packed full of font 12 writing, I am going to immediately shut down and not even attempt to read it. The point of a visual aid is to AID your presentation, and if I can't read it, it's not helping me.
- Don't read me what's on your slides word for word. Seriously, if that's all you're going to do, print it and give me a handout. I can read. This is a PRESENTATION, meaning YOU are supposed to be an important part.
Wednesday, November 26, 2008
We Shall Die Before We Kill
- Faced with individualization: solidarity.
- Faced with the Law of Silence and Secrecy: Do everything publicly. Speak loud and never hide anything.
- Faced with fear: Sincerity and disposition to dialogue. We shall understand those who do not understand us.
- Faced with Violence: Talk and negotiate with everyone. We do not have enemies.
- Faced with exclusion: Find support in others. Individually we are weak, but together we are strong.
- Faced with the need for a strategy: Transparency. We will tell every armed group exactly what we have talked about with other armed groups. And we will tell it all to the community.
Tuesday, November 25, 2008
Peace Paradigms: DONE!
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
The Failure of '5 Frequent Failures'?
Tuesday, November 18, 2008
The Role of Apology in Reconciliation Processes
Friday, November 14, 2008
Nanny Lisa, AKA Mary Poppins without the Magic Carpetbag
- Complaining. I don't want to walk to the car. I don't want to read. I don't want to do my homework. I'm bored. I'm too tired to do that. I don't want that for dinner. Why did you take so long? Why do we have to wait? Why can't I have candy for my snack? The constant, dissatisfied, whiny tone takes its toll.
- Uncooperativeness. Having every request met with some argument, some rationale for why it doesn't have to be done. When instructions are intentionally interpreted literally to avoid cooperation, so I have to give increasingly specific directions to avoid the argument 'I'm doing what you asked!' Or, just a simple 'No.' When every little thing is a struggle, I want to pull my hair out.
- Bickering. Siblings have a way of getting on each other's nerves that must grate on parents' nerves the most... or at least the nanny's. I could handle a blow-out fight every once in a while, but the bickering and nagging is like nails on a chalkboard.
- Yelling. Loud noises generally, expressing any emotion. I don't like them.
Tuesday, November 11, 2008
Thursday, November 06, 2008
Historic!
Tuesday, November 04, 2008
Monday, November 03, 2008
SIS 600: Quantitative Analysis
I-R Measure of association/correlation r statistics. Application, interpretation and limitations of the r statistics The Pearson’s r measure of association is used to standardize the relationship between interval-ratio variables based on the computations from the least-squared regression line. It measures the strength of the association between two variables on a scale of 0 to plus/minus 1. A Pearson’s r value of 0-.3 shows a weak association, .3-.6 shows a moderate association, and .6-1 shows a strong association. If the value is positive, there is a positive relationship (the variables vary in the same direction). If the value is negative, there is a negative relationship (the variables vary in opposite directions). The interpretation of Pearson’s r is fairly arbitrary, so the coefficient of determination was developed, which is r squared. This is a PRE statistic, meaning it tells us the percentage by which our error in predicting the dependent variable will be reduced taking into account the independent variable. Pearson’s r is a very helpful and sophisticated statistic, but it can only be used with interval-ratio variables (though it is sometimes used with ordinal variables and can be adjusted to use rarely with nominal variables—but the results are less accurate). Pearson’s r statistics also assume a linear relationship between the variables. |
I-R Measure of association/correlation R and R squared statistics. Application, interpretation and limitations of the R and R squared statistics. R and R squared statistics are used to show the combined effects of all independent variables on a dependent variable (measured at the interval-ratio level). Because even independent variables are interrelated, we cannot simply add the r squared statistics together to determined the combined effect on the dependent variable. R squared tells us the percentage of the total variance in the dependent variable that can be explained by the dependent variables combined. R and R squared statistics can only most accurately be applied to interval-ratio variables. These statistics are very powerful, but require high-quality data and assume that each independent variable has a linear relationship with the dependent variable. They also assume no interaction among the variables in the equation and that the independent variables are uncorrelated with each other. As these assumptions are violated, the statistics become less trustworthy. |
Similarities and difference between, R, R squared statistics and r statistics. R statistics and r statistics are similar in that they both measure the association between variables at the interval-ratio level, and can provide us with the percentage of variance in the dependent variable that is explained by the independent variable(s). The difference is that r statistics measure the effect of ONE independent variable on a dependent variable, and R statistics measure the effect of MULTIPLE independent variables on a dependent variable. |
Ordinal measure Gamma. Aplication, interpretation and limitations of the Gamma statistics Gamma is used to measure the strength of association and direction of two ordinal level variables. Gamma is measured on a scale of 0 to plus/minus 1, with values from 0-.3 showing a weak relationship, .3-.6 a moderate one, and .6-1 a strong relationship. If the value is positive, there is a positive relationship (the variables vary in the same direction). If the value is negative, there is a negative relationship (the variables vary in opposite directions). When evaluating the direction of relationship, it is important to pay attention to the way categories are coded. Since these are ordinal level variables, categories can often be scored in two different ways, both of which are equally valid. |
Ordinal measure Spearman’s Rho. Aplication, interpretation and limitations of Spearman’s Rho Spearman’s Rho is used as a measure of association between ordinal level variables when there is a broad range of scores and the researcher does not want to collapse them into categories that could be used to compute gamma from a bivariate table. Spearman’s rho permits the retention of detail that can be lost when collapsing scores into categories such as “high” and “low.” Instead of putting scores into categories, they variables are ranked in order from highest to lowest, and then the ranks for each case on each variable are compared with each other. The computation of spearman’s rho is an index of the strength of association between the two variables on a scale of 0 to plus/minus 1, with values from 0-.3 showing a weak relationship, .3-.6 a moderate one, and .6-1 a strong relationship. If the value is positive, there is a positive relationship (the variables vary in the same direction). If the value is negative, there is a negative relationship (the variables vary in opposite directions). If the value of Spearman’s rho is squared, it provides us with a PRE statistic. Spearman’s rho can only be used with ordinal level variables that can be ranked from highest to lowest for each case. |
Slope, Intercept, Least-Squared Regression Line. Interpretation of the regression line The slope (b) of a regression line tells us the unit change in Y (dependent variable) caused by a one-unit change in X (independent variable). The Y-intercept (a) can be calculated once the slope has been calculated using the formula Y = a + bX. This tells us the point at which the regression line crosses the Y-axis. This formula is the formula for the least-squares regression line, the line that comes as close as possible to touching all conditional means of Y. The regression line tells us the strength and the direction of the relationship between X and Y. When all the cases are plotted on the graph (scattergram), we can see how closely they are clustered around the regression line. The closer they are to the line, the stronger the relationship between X and Y. If the regression line rises from left to right, the relationship is positive; if it rises from right to left, the relationship is negative. The regression formula can also be used to predict the value of Y based on a value of X that was not included in the data. The regression line can only be used with interval-ratio variables. |
Multiple Least-Squared Regression Line. Partial slope. The least-squares multiple regression line is a modified least-squares regression line that includes more than one independent variable. Partial slopes show the amount of change in Y for a one-unit change in an independent variable while controlling for the effects of the other independent variables. They represent the direct effect of the associated indpendent variable on Y. This regression line can also be used to predict the scores of the dependent variable based on scores of two or more independent variables. |
Saturday, November 01, 2008
Monday Video on Friday
Wednesday, October 29, 2008
Reflections on Peace through Nonviolence
This is actually a paper I wrote for my Peace Paradigms class in response to our study of Nonviolence. It is a bit lengthy, but I thought it would be a good way to share a little of what I'm thinking about with regard to my studies, while using something that is already written :-)
As a sidenote: I have gotten a few emails asking about Miami and my Monday video. Blogs are coming, I promise! So stay tuned...
I consider myself a pacifist. I did not grow up questioning the legitimacy of war, but spent a significant portion of my undergraduate years grappling with the issues of war, peace, and justice in light of national interest, global interest, and my faith. Though unanswered questions certainly remain and situations arise to which I do not have ready nonviolent solutions, I came to regard war and violence as unacceptable means by which to pursue one’s objectives—no matter how noble. Like Ursula Franklin, I see violence as resourcelessness, and believe that when you start from the assumption that violence is unacceptable, a nonviolent solution will eventually be found. In fact, I believe it is essential to start from the assumption that violence is not an option; otherwise, when faced with a seemingly insurmountable impasse in conflict, one might resort to violence before sufficient energy has been devoted to finding a creative solution. Obviously, coming from this perspective, nonviolent movements are of particular interest to me as a method for resolving conflict.
The process of doing the readings and preparing a presentation on nonviolent resistance forced me to re-examine many of the questions I had grappled with before. How viable is nonviolence in the face of what Gene Sharp calls the “hard cases” like genocide and brutal dictators? Is it ever acceptable to use violence to end violence in these situations? Is it true that, as Gandhi believed, it is better to act violently in the face of injustice than to not act at all? Sharp contends that nonviolence is a realistic alternative to violence in these situations. That, when injustice has occurred, nonviolent resistance is actually more appropriate than negotiation because brutal dictators do not deserve to “win” anything. I agree, but it is still difficult for me to imagine how exactly nonviolent resistance could be effectively employed in a situation like the current one in Darfur or the genocide in Rwanda or the Holocaust. When it is the intention of one group to destroy another group, would nonviolent response not just make it easier to accomplish that goal? Is it possible that force or threats of force are the only ways to put an end to such unbridled violent destruction? I certainly believe we have a responsibility to act early to prevent genocide and outbreaks of violence in response to injustice, but once the killing has begun, how do we stop it without resorting to more killing?
I do not have ready answers to these questions, but I want to believe Sharp is right and nonviolent action is a realistic alternative. I appreciate his description of what he calls “political jiu-jitsu.” When a group steps outside the box, outside the repetitive cycle of combating violence with more violence, it creates a special asymmetrical conflict dynamic. Nonviolent response to violence reveals the power of nonviolence and the hidden weakness of violence. I think it is possible we (and I do include myself in this “we”) are skeptical about the power of nonviolence because it is not often enough engaged, and therefore, the asymmetrical conflict dynamic is not often enough observed. In the face of extreme violence, people understandably tend to resort to violence to protect themselves and others. But if we took violence off the table as an option, if it were truly an unacceptable response even in the face of such extreme violence, I wonder what creative solutions humankind would develop. I wonder if we would begin to see more widely the power of nonviolent resistance to throw the opponent off balance even in the “hard cases.”
Nonviolent response to violence is also powerful in the way it affects observers. Last weekend I attended a Skills Institute on nonviolent resistance to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza strip. We watched videos of Palestinian nonviolent resisters, and I was struck by the vast power differential I observed. On one side, there were peaceful, unarmed Palestinian demonstrators; on the other side, Israeli Defense Forces in uniform with helmets and machine guns. The contrast made the vast resources and power of the IDF look ridiculous and unnecessary. I felt like as an Israeli, I would have been embarrassed by what appeared to be such unwarranted displays of strength against a powerless opponent. The use of nonviolence on the part of Palestinians made it much easier to sympathize with the Palestinian cause.
In this way, nonviolence often succeeds in giving resisters a moral high ground, and is therefore more effective in garnering international support. When a group uses violence to obtain its objectives, the resistance is much easier for outsiders to ignore, regardless of the justice of its cause. In a fight of violence versus violence, the distinction between oppressed and oppressor is often unclear to the observer. When violence is employed, it is more likely that injustices are perpetrated by both groups, making an outsider less willing to side with one over another. However, nonviolent response creates a clearer distinction between the two adversaries. When one group at least has the appearance of innocence, the international community is much more likely to lend its support.
Martin Luther King, Jr. called his activism “creative extremism.” I appreciate the fact that nonviolent resistance requires imagination and creativity. Perhaps it can be argued that there are creative ways to perpetrate violence, but generally, I think there is very little imagination required in picking up a gun and shooting or throwing a punch. However, when violence is not an option in achieving one’s goals, it is amazing how many other ingenious options emerge. Gene Sharp lists 198 methods of nonviolence in his Appendix to There Are Realistic Alternatives. 198! And as we discussed in class, there are people like Saul Alinksky who have thought much further outside the box than Sharp. Boycotts, strikes, sit-ins, marches, chaining oneself to trees, mock funerals, refusal to pay taxes, dirty protests during which people refuse to bathe—the possibilities for nonviolent protest do seem to be endless. It is incredible what creativity is unleashed in the human mind when there is a refusal to engage in violence.
Unfortunately, nonviolence, even in my own mind, often carries with it connotations of passivity and submission, from which it derives much of its criticism. The readings, however, emphasized the concept of nonviolent action. According to Gandhi and King, nonviolence is anything but inactive. Passivity and submission in the face of injustice and oppression are absolutely unacceptable. These perspectives helped me reframe nonviolent resistance in this active light, as a response that requires intense organization, energy, and preparation. I was surprised to find that much of King’s Letter From Birmingham Jail is a response to criticisms that his demonstrations were too bold, too extreme. A far cry from the criticisms I am used to hearing about nonviolence being too passive a response to injustice.
I began to understand that nonviolent action is actually a form of coercion, a concept I had not previously considered. While mediation and other conflict resolution methods seek to find mutually acceptable agreements, nonviolent action seeks generally to coerce the opponent to accept the activists’ demands. There does not tend to be dialogue or discussion of emotions, perceptions, and underlying interests; restoration of relationship and reconciliation are not usually goals of nonviolent action. Whereas the goal of a problem-solving workshop might be to develop a creative solution that addresses all parties’ interests, the goal of nonviolent resistance is generally to “win”; through either conversion, accommodation, coercion, or disintegration, nonviolent actors try to defeat their opponents.
My realization of its coercive nature brought clarity to the difference in approach between nonviolent direct action and more cooperative methods like Interactive Conflict Resolution. This served to reinforce my desire to be a practitioner of the latter. While I fully support nonviolent resistance movements, highly respect nonviolent activists, and believe they are both invaluable and necessary to the pursuit of peace and justice, I am more interested in addressing root causes of conflict and seeking mutual understanding and reconciliation between parties, which is generally not the primary goal of nonviolent action. Nonviolent movements are peaceful in that they refrain from physical violence, but they are still combative and position parties as adversaries. I believe in their power and efficacy, but I prefer to focus professionally on methods that emphasize cooperation and collaboration between conflicting parties.
However, principled nonviolence—or nonviolence as a lifestyle or article of faith, not just a strategy of resistance—is still an essential component my personal philosophy of peace. I believe, with Gandhi and King, that nonviolence goes beyond simply not doing harm to actually doing good, even to one’s enemy. Like Catharine Marshall, I believe that nonviolence involves employing an attitude that respects the humanity in all, even the opponent. For me, this is a principle I must cling to, regardless of its ultimate effectiveness in achieving specific objectives.
When a person claims to be non-violent, he is expected not to be angry with one who has injured him. He will not wish him harm; he will wish him well; he will not swear at him; he will not cause him any physical hurt. He will put up with all the injury to which he is subjected by the wrong-doer. Thus non-violence is complete innocence. Complete non-violence is complete absence of ill-will against all that lives. Non-violence [of the strong] is therefore in its active form good will towards all life. It is pure Love (Gandhi, 1936).